Member of Women's Pacifist organization Murdered in Medellin

FOR stands in solidarity with the LA RUTA PACIFICA DE LAS MUJERES (Pacifist Road of Women). We recognize the great significance behind the assassination of leaders who promote non-violence and reject the deaths, threats, and intimidation tactics that are heavly rooted in the continous Colombian internal conflict. Please see below for information on the assasination of a member of the Ruta Pacifica along with her loved ones.


Translated version from IFOR-WPP:

The social movement of feminist-pacifist women demands respect for the life and the dignity of women

La Ruta Pacifica de Las Mujeres- or the Pacific Road of Women- rejects the murder of one of their members in Medellin.

It was a paradox. While La Ruta Pacifica was launching the book ‘violences against women in a society in war’ in Medellín, one of its members- Olga Marina Vergara- was murdered, together with her son, daughter-in-law and grandson- a child of five years old.

Bogotá, 25 of September 2008. - In circumstances that proof the ignominy of violence and the degradation of society, Olga Marina Vergara, member of the Pacific Routeof the Women was assassinated in Medellín. This feminist and pacifist leader known for her work with women in the ancient capital was murdered together with her son, daughter-in-law and grandson in her own house in the section of Prado - East Center, Wednesday 24 of September.

‘These deaths and this massacre are inadmissible. The Pacific Route of the Women, a political feminist project working for the visibilization of the effects of the war on the lives of women, rejects categorically these events, which demonstrate once again the degradation of the war and society. The conditions and circumstances, in which they happened, are of extreme gravity. It is therefore that we insist towards the authorities that they investigate and determine the motives for what happened’, indicated Marina Gallego Zapata, National Coordinator of the Pacific Route of the Women.

Also, the Coordinator of the movement emphasized that the Pacific Route of the Women continues and persists in their struggle so that the subject of violence against the women does not just appear in public agendas as circumstantial news. ‘Our interest is to establish an ethical and political commitment to finish with impunity and the social allowance towards violence that is committed against women, the more in the situation of conflict that our country is facing’.

To reject the murder of Olga Marina Vergara and three of her family members, social feminist organizations of the country (part of the Pacific Route) unite. These organizations work together for a negotiated transmission of the armed conflict in Colombia and for the visibilization of the effects of the war on the lives of women.

These same organizations express their solidarity and support to the family of Olga Marina Vargara.

Spanish Version:
LA RUTA PACIFICA DE LAS MUJERES RECHAZA EL ASESINATO DE UNA DE SUS INTEGRANTES EN MEDELLIN

Paradójicamente, mientras La Ruta presentaba en Bogotá el libro 'Las violencias contra las mujeres en una sociedad en guerra', en Medellín una de sus integrantes fue masacrada junto a su hijo, nuera y nieto, un menor de cinco años de edad.

Bogotá, 25 de Septiembre de 2008. – En circunstancias que evidencian la ignominia de la violencia y la degradación de la sociedad, fue asesinada en Medellín la integrante de la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres, Olga Marina Vergara.

Esta líder feminista y pacifista, de amplia trayectoria en la capital antioqueña por su trabajo en favor de las mujeres, fue masacrada junto con su hijo, nuera y nieto en su propia casa en el sector de Prado – Centro este miércoles 24 de septiembre.

'Estas muertes y esta masacre son inadmisibles. Es así como la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres, propuesta política feminista que trabaja por la visibilización de los efectos de la guerra en la vida de las mujeres, rechaza categóricamente estos hechos, que demuestran una vez más la degradación de la guerra y de la sociedad, pues las condiciones y las circunstancias en las que ocurrieron, son de suma gravedad. Es asícomo instamos a las autoridades a investigar y determinar los móviles de lo sucedido', señaló Marina Gallego Zapata, coordinadora Nacional de la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres.

Asimismo, la Coordinadora del movimiento enfatizó que la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres continúa y persiste en la búsqueda para que el tema de las violencias contra las mujeres no se quede en agendas públicas de turno y como noticias circunstanciales. 'Nuestro interés es establecer un compromiso ético y político para terminar con la impunidad y la permisividad social acerca de las violencias que se ejerce contra las mujeres y más en la situación de conflicto que enfrenta nuestro país'.

A este rechazo por el asesinato de Olga Marina Vergara y tres miembros de su familia se unen las organizaciones sociales feministas del país que convergen en la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres, las cuales trabajan conjuntamente por la tramitación negociada del conflicto armado en Colombia y por la visibilización de los efectos de la guerra en la vida de las mujeres.

Estas mismas organizaciones expresan su solidaridad y acompañamiento a la familia de Olga Marina Vergara.

Por un hogar, un país, un planeta libre de miedos, guerras y violencias

RUTA PACIFICA DE LAS MUJERES - *ANTIOQUIA - (4)2844079. *BOGOTA – (1)2229172/76 *BOLIVAR - (5)6663992 * CAUCA - (2)8317939. *CHOCO - (4)6713804. *PUTUMAYO - (8)4274058. *RISARALDA - (6)3332042. *SANTANDER - (7)6477559. *VALLE DEL CAUCA - (2)8854656. *COORDINACION EJECUTIVA NACIONAL – (1) 2229145 / 46 Fax: (1) 2229170

Pagina web: www.rutapacifica.org.co / E-mail: comunicaciones@rutapacifica.org.co

Where is justice? Hundreds of Displaced People March in Medellin

At 10am on Friday, July 18, a crowd of about 300 people composed of mothers, children, grandparents, uncles, and human rights defenders gathered to create a space in the streets and march with a unified voice. The individuals gathered because they wanted to voice out their dissatisfaction with the government and its existing policies that have consistently failed to provide for the almost 4 million displaced people in the country.

The crowd stood in one of Medellin’s street corners, listening to a representative of the Coordinación Metropolitana de Desplazados (Metropolitan Coordination for the Displaced) speak about the failure of law of 397 of 1997. This law was approved eleven years ago and stipulates in Article 3 that “the Colombian State has the responsibility to formulate and adopt policies and measures to prevent forced displacement and the responsibility to protect and provide a socio-economic consolidation and stabilization to those who have bee internally displaced due to violence“ (http://www.secretariasenado.gov.co/leyes/L0387_97.HTM). But, all those individuals present were there because they have seen very little evidence of the application of such law given that since its approval, the number of displaced people in Colombia has been on the rise.

The many faces, most of them with empty stomachs, started walking towards the city center and made their way across the crowed street on their way to the Plaza Botero. They chanted the words “Forced Displacement is a State Policy! “ The participants wanted to remind the Colombian State that they continue to be walking proof of the existing crisis in the country. Some of them live in the city of Medellin (which is supposed to be one of the main cities that have gone through great improvements since Uribe took office as president, in isolation from any of their basic rights. In actuality, Medellin is still a home to many victims of abuse and violence, including the control of the Paramilitary in the different sectors of the mountainous city. There are numerous slums on the outskirts of the city, the so-called Comunas, where people live in degrading conditions, with rooftops made up of scraps of aluminum, or broken pieces of wood. Hunger, thus, is the common denominator, plainly evident when you ride the metro cable cart and look down to the houses and wonder what happens inside those colorful squares on rainy days, or even worse what happens there day to day? Most of the displaced people have been forced to find shelters in cities such as Medellin and Bogota, and since most of them have roots as peasants in rural settings they lack the skills necessary to live in urban environments, where little opportunity exists for them in the job market.

At about noon, hundreds more joined the march, many who originated from the rural areas all across state of Antioquia. They came to march and remind the observers and the State that they are still displaced and hungry, and above all, disappointed with the lack of support and options for them to change their status and improve their quality of life. They are disappointed with the lack of judicial mechanisms have not succeeded in ensuring that their rights are not being violated and the lack of policies that in practical terms can guarantee adequate forms of reparation, reconciliation, and collective healing for the displaced.

It has been three years since the Justice and Peace Law of 2005 was passed and applied as a form of judicial way out for paramilitary demobilization. In the meantime those displaced because of the violence have been waiting for the victimizers to return the property and material goods--all that was lost through threats and violence.. Nonetheless, no real or effective form of reparation has been implemented . The victims of the violence that forced them to displace know that their relatives that were killed and buried in mass graves cannot be returned to them and that no form of reparation can bring back their dead; however, they at least expect to once again be able to live in their homes and receive guarantees to their life and safety. As of now, a shift in their current status seems like a distance possibility.

According to the Justice and Peace Division of the Attorney General’s office, only 793 millions of Colombian pesos have been turned in by the paramilitaries out of the almost 545,000 millions they committed themselves to return (http://www.terra.com.co/actualidad/articulo/html/acu13532.htm). Moreover, it seems quite ridiculous to even mention that they have only returned 10 vehicles, 5,166 livestock, and 99 houses that have been given to the State when we compare it to the almost 4 million hectares of land lost by the displaced population (without even mentioning the value of goods, property, and the family heritage, which is priceless). According to a study done by researches in the Andes University in Bogota, 94.% of the Colombian population lives under the poverty line and almost 75% of them are displaced (https://egresados.uniandes.edu.co/volver3/documentos/presentacion-ana-maria-ib.ppt).
As I stood there, a man about 50 years old man asked “Are you also displaced?“ He explained that he came from Argelia (in Antioquia) and that he and his family of three have been displaced for six years. They lost all their land, their livestock, and their crops. Now, they live in the outskirts of Medellin in conditions he described as “a cardboard box full of holes“.

The Asociasion Campesina de Antioquia (Peasant Association of Antioquia) invited FOR to observe the march as they find it important that the international community not ignore the internal crisis that defines the Colombian State. They want to make sure that the displaced people do not become more invisible than what they already are, given the current news of the government defeating the FARC and the release of the hostages, as they get lost in middle of the parapolitical scandals and the propaganda for Uribe´s next reelection. Displaced people are also a kind of hostage--a hostage that is held prisoner by poverty, by the chains manifested through the dangers they face day to day, by the illnesses and hunger chained to their bodies, and by the existing conflict that prevents them from safely returning to their land. They are held hostages in a society that does not make room for them to live a life with access to decent housing, healthcare, education, and sustenance.

Alongside FOR, stood Peace Brigades International and other non-governmental organizations. Nonetheless, the media coverage was practically non-existent, which only exemplifies the fact that such news are not a matter of importance to mainstream communication.

Please visit the video put together by the Communications Area of the Peasant Association of Antioquia (ACA): http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pNmCO_v63KA

2008 Anti-Military Concert

Anti-Military Concert

The RED-Juvenil de Medellin (Youth Network), one of our partner organizations, has been working at the grassroots level through non-violence peace initiatives to resist military recruitment, defend human rights and promote active conscientious objection for the past seventeen years.

This May 17, the RED-Juvenil put together the 10th anniversary of the Anti-Military Annual Concert in Medellin, Antioquia. The concert is one of their biggest events of the year and it has gained much popularity over time. “The Anti-Military Concert is well known today,” says Kike, “because now we get calls and emails from lots of people who are anxious to know the date of the event”.

Particular Inconveniences
The concert was scheduled to start at noontime on Saturday and all the RED members were anxious to organize the stage in Parque Obrero, where the annual concert has taken place for the past nine years. With their red t-shirts stamped with the concert’s logo, the RED members headed down to the park anxious to unload the trucks with various instruments, equipment, and sound systems, and tarps. It was 11 in the morning and the adrenaline to start the much-anticipated teamwork was on the edge of their fingers. The RED had an hour to organize and set-up an entire stage, various tarps, and vending stands. They knew that they needed to work on fast-mode as time was running short. Nonetheless, there were other factors that delayed the initiation of the concert: there was another event taking place in the same park. By event, I mean the whole nine yards: tarps, stage, tables, an MC, lunch tables, cooks, and an audience. The park, essentially a public space, was double-booked and the RED was told that the other event would not end until around 2pm. What adds a dash of irony to the scenario is that Corporacion Democracia (Democracy Corporation), an NGO that works directly with demobilized paramilitaries who wish to reincorporate into civil society, organized the event. The Corporation’s event was organized in honor the demobilized paramilitaries’ mothers who have been displaced. Could this be more surreal? Let us re-examine the scenario: The RED, a group of young activist that resist taking part in any way to the armed forms of resistance and are against the use of violence as a means to achieve social change has a Anti-Military Concert scheduled the same day as an organization that, according to a member of the RED, “has managed to legalize much of their politics with demobilized paramilitaries which sheds light into the existing marginalized power that is still seen in the city.” On the one hand we have the anti-thesis of the RED’s values, both hosting an event, both on opposite sides of a spectrum. Then again, when I really think about it, it seems that this is a perfect example of the kind of situations that arise here in Colombia, where one day you hear that the President’s cousin is in jail for ties with paramilitaries and another day you hear that the President reached a popularity rate as high as 85%.
Kevin and I were representing FOR with our sky blue tops that stood out in the crowd of black and red shirts. We formally introduced ourselves to the representatives of the Corporacion Democracia and specified that we were International Human Rights Observes that supports the non-violent form of resistance that are organized by the Red-Juvenil. We described our role in the country and highlighted that it was our responsibility to inform the International Community and the relevant government officials in Colombia when violations against our partner organizations take place. We added that we would be observing and documenting the event.

After a couple of hours of tension, passive aggressive talks, and a high doses of patience, the RED and the Democracy Corporation reached consensus: The Red would start setting up their stage at 2pm and the Corporation would clear the park. Not surprising, what actually ended up happening is that the RED had to wait about three hours for technicians to dismantle the Corporation’s main stage that was blocking the RED’s. In other words, there was one huge stage set up in front of the other until around 6pm when technicians finally arrived and the audience was finally able to gather in front of the live band.

Music: Shared through messages of non-violence
Music and art are a common strategy used by the RED to get their message of non-violence and conscientious objection across in a way that attracts youth and society. The RED sees that in putting together their annual concert, they are exercising proactive ways that are innovative and that effectively promote their views on social change and resistance. Art and music allow for the creation of spaces that are more inclusive than not, and such spaces tend to be attractive because they are bold and loud. “We are all here [at the concert] because we believe in our right to be able to live in a society that does not promote the use of weapons and violence to achieve change and that the military structures are not a solution to our social problems,” says the RED member over the microphone to an audience of about 5,000 people.

The music came from a diversity of bands that ranged from hip-hop, to reggae, to hard metal and ska. All the bands, however, sang about social change, conscientious objection and the need for society to evolve in the absence of militarism. “Having different music genres in one concert is innovative here in Medellin where there exists a historical division between Rastas, punkers, and hip-hoppers in terms of identity and territory. What the RED has created is a space where there is tolerance for different taste and styles that allows for a space to be inclusive as neither groups can claim boundaries or territories. In the end, the common ground here is our view that as youth we all reject violent forms of resistance that fall into militaristic approaches,” explains *Rudy from the RED.

The RED believes that this year they had the largest audience present than in any previous year. Throughout the night the two nurses under the first-aid tent were on alert while the RED’s protective team circulated the periphery and maneuvered their bodies between the crowd handling and mediating between individuals who were causing trouble; and as a whole, the RED demonstrated their multi-talents and multi-tasking skills as their MC’s went from being on stage to selling drinks behind a stand, while others switched between being mediators to jugglers, and some traded drumsticks for walkie-talkies. The music, the crowd, and the event did not stop until around until 2:30 am. Afterwards, as exhausted as they were, the RED collectively picked-up trash, filled the trucks with their equipment, and congratulated each other for their commitment and effort in putting together such an important event.

“I am so tired can’t feel my feet,” says *Rita from the RED with voice that is almost gone, “but we are proud that besides the fact that we had inconveniences and tensions in the beginning, we know that the Anti-Military Concert was once again a success”.

*Pseudonym

Continuan los Robo de Informacion a organizaciones sociales

LE ROBAN A AMOR: Una organización de Mujeres del Oriente Antioqueño

La Asociación de Mujeres del Oriente Antioqueño, mejor conocida como AMOR, es una organización que trabaja por mujeres de 23 municipios del Oriente Antioqueño. Nació hace catorce años en El Peñol y fue gradualmente creciendo en diferentes regiones del Oriente Antioqueño. Mujeres de diferentes experiencias trabajan para capacitar y acompañar en diferentes procesos que les permite asesorarse para defender sus derechos.

“El trabajo de amor esta orientado a fortalecer y propiciar las organizaciones de mujeres como actoras protagónicas del municipio y de la región mediante procesos de formación participación y articulación con otros\as actores\as,” explico una de sus representantes.
El mes pasado, AMOR con sede en el municipio de Marinilla, se unió a la lista de organizaciones que han sido victimas de hurto de información en Colombia. Los hechos ocurrieron el 23 de abril en horas de la noche. Según una representante de la organización, por la mañana del 24 encontró a su oficina en un desorden espantoso y con evidencia clara de que sus archivos y materiales habían sido manipulados y otros robados. “Todo estaba tirado en los escritorios y los gabinetes estaban abiertos,” dice la representante. Entre los objetos robados se encontraba un CPU con el disco duro y archivos de casos, y una cámara con fotos de casos que se manejan internamente.

La sede de AMOR se encuentra dentro de un edificio en un espacio que se comparte con otras instancias y organizaciones. La ubicación de la sede esta justamente en frente del comando de Policía. Sin embargo, todavía no hay testigos de los hechos, lo cual indica que los responsables del robo lo hacen con mucha agilidad.

Últimamente, los hurtos de información se han realizado a lo largo y ancho del país. Existen casos de organizaciones de un alto perfil como Alianza Iniciativa de Mujeres Colombianas por la Paz (IMP), Asamblea Permanente de la Sociedad Civil por la Paz (APSCP) , JustaPaz, Corporación Jurídica Yira Castro, y Coordinación Nacional de Desplazados (CND), y incluyendo a nosotros como FOR, quienes continuamos repudiando estos hechos y exigiendo una intervención del Estado para ponerle fin a este patrón de robos.

Es difícil cuantificar el valor que contiene los materiales robados y las consecuencias que esto pueda tener para la seguridad de las personas quienes ejercen su labor apoyando a las comunidades en sus diversos casos. Existe un alto riesgo de que la información sea manipulada lo cual pone en alarma a centenares de personas por su seguridad y integridad.
Los hurtos son una estrategia de quien? En donde se concentra el interés de obtener cierta información manejada por las organizaciones sociales? Porque los robos están estratégicamente concentrados en instancias que ejercen su labor dentro del tema de derechos humanos?

Por parte del Gobierno Nacional de Colombia no se ha evidenciado un respuesta contundente que se proponga reaccionar para solucionar y evitar la continuidad de estos hechos. Asta el momento no se han establecido garantías para que organizaciones sociales puedan ejercer su labor con el un respaldo político al nivel nacional. El 17 de octubre del año pasado el Presidente Álvaro Uribe le dijo a la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, “Aquí cada vez que las guerrillas y sus áulicos sienten que se les puede derrotar, el recurso al cual apelan es el recurso de violación de derechos humanos.” 1 ¿ Cuando se hará un pronunciamiento público rechazando estos los hurtos de información y agresiones en contra organizaciones sociales, eclesiales e internacionales?

Vale la pena preguntar porque es que la mayoría (por no ser absolutista) de las investigaciones sobre estos casos no avanzan? El próximo mes se cumple un año que varias organizaciones, incluyendo FOR, JustaPaz, Corporación Jurídica Yira Castro, APSCP, y la CND quienes en varias ocasiones presentaron sus caso ante Carlos Franco de la Oficina de Derechos Humanos de la Presidencia y colectivamente expresaron su preocupación por la seguridad de miles de personas y instituciones que trabajan con comunidades en riesgo. Adicionalmente, 36 congresistas de EU enviaron un carta expresando su preocupación por la vulnerabilidad de organizaciones sociales de ser el blanco de hurto de información. Sin embargo, el colectivo de victimas de robo de información siguen esperando algún resultado de las investigaciones aunque todo indica que lo mas probable es que estos casos queden en la impunidad y en las primeras etapas investigación dado que están demasiado lejos de su cierre.

Returning: The Constant Hope

Retorno: the materializing of the individual and/or community member’s—who were forced to displace due to violence, threats, mega-projects, massacres, fear, etc.—wish to return to the home and/or land. A retorno is what most displaced people aspire, wish for, and hope to experience in the near future. But for most of them a retorno is a highly unlikely possibility. Those who wish to return have to face a series of complex factors that conglomerate to build a great wall of bureaucracy in front of their greatest desire. Thus, their most desired wish transforms into a battle of perseverance and hope- not giving up and hoping that somehow they can manage to return “home”. In some cases, however, barriers that prevent individuals extend beyond bureaucratic battles. There are many families that fear for their safety and although they wish to return to their land, the high levels of violence that forced them to abandon their homes to begin with, still remain as vivid memories in their mind. What they fear is a de´javu: the repetition of death, violence, and threats; they fear reliving the trauma of leaving their home behind again. Not limited to this, other displaced families have discovered that they no longer have a home to return to. These families face the dilemma of having to prove that they are the legitimate owners of their land. Their land that is now repopulated and/or has become private property belonging to some foreign corporation that is probably in the hands of paramilitary groups. In most cases, these corporations seek to produce single-crop farming in rural areas and manage to “legally” take ownership of the land that was left behind by civilians who hoped to one day return.

Not surprising though, it is economic factors that greatly encumber families from returning to their land. These displaced families seldom have employment or social welfare assistance to maintain self-sustainable lifestyles and live with the bare minimum amount of goods. Most displaced persons who had to abruptly abandon their homes were forced to leave behind their material goods, crops, animals, clothes, furniture, tools, machinery, etc. The complex situation that most displaced families are forced to endure is made up of a combination of all of the above mentioned conditions that stand to hinder them from returning home; a home that is not far from them in geographical measurements, yet is fundamentally and practically unreachable.

Aside from strong will, tolerance, and a strong mind, planning for a retorno requires extensive commitment, effort, and resources which are apart from social and governmental entities that are willing to fund and support such process. How will household heads sustain their families, feed them from scratch? Who will assist them with purchasing seeds, tools, and machinery necessary for agricultural production? Who will guarantee that they will be able to have food while they are waiting for their harvest? How will government forces guarantee that these returning families will not be forced to displace again? As one displaced person put it, “even if we get support to plant our seeds and grow our crops, it takes weeks and months before we can eat those goods; in the meantime who will feed us and what if we are forced to leave again after working hard to reestablish ourselves?”

The Retorno to Mulatos
I remember my first conversation about a retorno when I first started volunteering with FOR and came to the Peace Community in March of last year. The idea of a retorno was one of the reoccurring themes discussed as part of the physical accompaniment that we would be taking part in. The retorno to the hamlet (vereda) of Mulatos was a subject that had great significance for the members of the Peace Community. It was in Mulatos where in 2005 a massacre took place and 8 people were assassinated:
(see: http://isla.igc.org/Features/Colombia/MassacreFeb2005.html). One of the victims was Luis Eduardo Guerra, a highly recognized leader in the community. This unfortunate event brought much fear to the civilian population and families were forced to displace, fearing that they too would end up killed by the paramilitaries. For the Peace Community, the massacre denoted that the civilian population continued to be a military target and that it was unsafe for families to continue working and living in the more isolated settlements of San Jose. The Community also knew that many families had crops and property that could not be left for armed factors to make use of in their terrorizing rendezvous, so they never gave up the hope of one day being able to return to Mulatos.

This year, the Attorney General called for the investigation of 69 soldiers for their collaboration in the 2005 massacre Additionally, the captain of the Velez Battalion, Gordillo, is currently in jail facing accusations for participating in the massacre. The 17th Brigade, which has jurisdiction in the Urabá region of both Antioquia and Chocó, has a vast history of violence and has been excluded from receiving Plan Colombia funding due to the human rights violations attributed to their soldiers and Generals in the past such as General Rito de Alejo.
(see: http://isla.igc.org/Features/Colombia/MassacreFeb2005.html) What is astonishing is that it has taken the Colombian authorities and investigators almost three years to take action and incarcerate those accused of collaborating or directly participating in the 2005 massacre. The community, however, asks, “And what about all the hundreds of other cases of human rights violations that have not even been looked at?”

Last year, the community started planning a retorno to Mulatos. Nonetheless, as part of the government’s rural development and social assistance projects local city officials started promoting a retorno of their own. Last year local newspaper Urabá Hoy published that “2,000 persons were returning to Mulatos and that the state would be funding this return”. The truth is that this was a false statement. During their retorno campaign, officials bused into San Jose trucks full of people that were not from the San Jose region, took pictures of the multitude and published them in the local newspaper stating that all those families were going to be returning to San Jose and Mulatos. Nonetheless, at the end of the day—after the pictures were taken—the bus left San Jose and the 2,000 displaced persons were not seen again. Given this, the Peace Community did not want to support the state’s phony retorno or be perceived as if it were participating in the propaganda and false initiative. Instead of moving on with their plans, the Peace Community decided that it would be more appropriate to put their plans on hold.

A place called “home”
This last month, on the 21st of February, the Peace Community decided that they were ready to return to Mulatos. Seven families from the Peace Community were ready to once again make a living in the rich land of Mulatos. The Community decided that along with the retorno, they would also be commemorating the 2005 Massacre and honoring the memory of those who have been killed in their struggle to live in a context that seeks an alternative to the conflict in the region. Along with FOR and Peace Brigades International as physical accompaniers, delegates from Witness for Peace, Red-Italiana (Italian Support Group for Colombia), Tamera-a peace community in Portugal-, a Spanish journalist and Colombian researchers came to witness and offer their support to the Peace Community.

The mules and horses were loaded with the dozens of backpacks, hammocks, gallons of waters, and sacks full of rice, beans, and panela for the retorno. Community members had been planning this for many months and they were all excited to finally be able to materialize their goal of returning to Mulatos. For some of the campesinos (peasants, rural farmers), it was the first time they had returned in many years since some families displaced from the area in the 90’s due to the increasing levels of paramilitary violence in Urabá. For some of the youngsters it was the first time they were going to the much talked about Mulatos. It was nine in the morning and after putting on sun block, hats and rubber boots we all started to make our way up the mountain. The trail along the mountain path was a diverse and colorful one with people of all ages, sizes, and physical capacity. As some struggled to climb the steep mountains others suffered from unquenchable thirst, but all shared the same feeling of solidarity with the campesinos that did not break a sweat as they gracefully skipped stones and avoided mud paths. It was clear that their physical capacity is worthy of admiration, and the fact that they have to walk long distances in order to purchase goods or sell their crops is worthy of great respect. One after another, we continued up the mountain, across the river, the humid jungle-like tunnels of weeds and wild plants, the muddy terrain, the slippery downhill and the never-ending steepness of the Urabá Mountains. After eight hours we finally made it to Mulatos Medio, to the exact location where the bodies of Luis Eduardo, Beyanira, and the child were found. There was a small chapel built there in their honor. As people passed the chapel, it was hard not to think about the cruelty and injustice that ends up manifested in dismembered bodies and sends a force of fear upon communities. And it is admiration that one feels when witnessing a community that does not give up or surrender to the fear that is constantly at their doorstep.
The words of a Peace Community Member in memory of the 2005 Massacre:

“On this day, we sadly commemorate the third anniversary of the massacre of our community leader Luis Eduardo Guerra, his son Deiner Andres Guerra Tuberquia, and Beyanira Areiza along with an entire family that always lived in unity: Alfonso Bolivar Tuberquia, Sandra Milena Muños Posso, a six year-old and 18month-old baby. This incident deeply affected our entire community, in particularly the loss of the three children: Deiner, Natalia, and Santiago. Three fully innocent children. What were they guilty of?…Nothing at all. They were just children, just like the very word child connotes: innocent. Deep sadness is what we all felt. Luis Eduardo was one of the founding members of the Peace Community. He resisted until the end, always maintaining neutrality, and defending our peace processes. He was a warrior, strong worker, honest, responsible, fair, and honorable. His death was a huge loss for our community because he was fully committed to our peace process. He was, always sure of himself and he gave his life to struggle for our community. He died with his head up high, proud that he was offering his life without betraying his community and being a great example for us to follow to continue to struggle for our community. I wrote this in honor of his memory. -Kelly Johana Asprilla Garzon, 12 year-old Peace Community Member

That night there was a spectacular lunar eclipse. It was almost symbolic for the occasion: the moonlight darkens for a moment, and in slow motion, it once again claims a space for its light as it gracefully illuminates the night sky. That night, the Peace Community members were living a moment of light after being forced to leave their land—they were finally returning to Mulatos. Although the fear for their safety is not something that could easily leave their mind, for a moment it seemed that the primary sentiment was that of joy with a dab of nostalgia.

La Resbalosa
The next day we walked for a couple of hours up another steep mountain to visit La Resbalosa. It was here that the other five people were killed in the massacre. The Peace Community had a ceremony to honor them, actively practicing the act of nourishing the memory of those victims of crimes against humanity. Preserving these stories is a way in which the Peace Community seeks to resist impunity from reigning in their consciousness.
In La Resbalosa there was a somewhat abandoned structure that had a scent of humidity and dust. This place was once upon a time a school. Today, it stands mostly empty, except for the graffiti on the walls and doors with anti-guerilla commentary and aggressive language. One of the messages reads: “Turn yourself in, Sonnovabitch guerilla¨ and “AUC is here”. The Peace Community hopes to once again open the doors to a classroom setting and find funding to educate those children who live in the most remote rural areas.


Going Back
After the second night in Mulatos it was decided that we were going back to San Josesito and La Union. It had rained the previous afternoon, and hammocks and floor mats were wet, people were hungry, dehydrated, constipated, or with cramps and diarrhea. In those settings, it is only campesinos that have the physical condition to adapt to conditions of limited resources in rural settings, while the foreigners have to face a series of uncomfortable symptoms. More so, the accompaniment was cut short because of last minute adjustments to the schedule. After breakfast the large crowd parted and we started the hike back on the same path that only a couple of nights before was dry and “easier” to walk on.

The same hills were waiting for us except that the previously down hills were now up hills and vice-versa. The forest green continued to mesmerize the naked eye and brown mud did not cease to tug at our boots each step of the way. I kept on trying to see if I recognized key points that would indicate how much farther we had to go…
After six hours and a shade of darker brown, we finally arrived back to San Josesito. Although my feet were swollen and I had blisters between my toes, it is hard to measure the growth that comes after experiencing the materializing of people’s hopes and aspirations, to be able to see ideas and visions come to life in a collective manner, and to understand one step closer the meaning of resistance, struggle, respect, and solidarity.