YOUTH DELEGATION in COLOMBIA 2009

Wherever you're at, youth are being forced to fight these wars we have nothing to do with. Youth in Colombia face more pressure, but there's plenty of pressure here, psychological pressure. The delegation to Colombia changed my views personally -- about how I want to interact with people besides politically, about how to bring their ways of organizing here, bring being a human being back to your community and starting that change in your own home and family. If there's anything we need in the US, it's the need to start organizing on that personal level."
- Escenthio Marigny, Youth Arts and Action Delegation '08 participant

Youth Arts and Action Delegation, March 27 – April 6, 2009

This spring 2009 the Fellowship of Reconciliation Colombia program will take a delegation of youth organizers and allies to collaborate with dynamic youth-led organizations working for the rights of Conscientious Objectors and advocating for anti-militarism in Colombia. The participants will continue to expand the network of youth in the US and Colombia who are seeking creative ways to resist militarism. This delegation will also be the focus of a documentary film produced by two participants through the Dar Papaya Project. This organizers exchange builds on the first youth arts and action delegation in March of 2008 and the fall 2008 Drop Beats Not Bombs hip-hop, speaking and workshop tour. For more information, please contact Liza Smith at 510.763.1403 or liza@igc.org or www.forcolombia.org/youthdelegation, applications are due by February 1st, 2009.

Colombian State Agencies Violating FOR's Privacy

"Speak Truth to Power" takes on a new dimension when you realize you are under surveillance! That is exactly the position we at FOR find ourselves in once again. In 2005, we informed FOR supporters that more than 10,000 pages of FBI files had been released to us, documenting decades of surveillance of the organization. Now, we have just learned that for two full years - since December 2006 - our Latin America program has been targeted and monitored by state agents. Specifically, the e-mail messages intercepted include FOR communication in the US and with Colombia!

This covert action is a direct violation of our right to privacy as a humanitarian activist organization. FOR's e-mail account was among more than 150 e-mail accounts of human rights organizations, journalists, academics, and labor organizations that were targeted. We've also learned that the Colombian military paid for computer hard drives "of interest to intelligence" agencies. The June 2007 break-in and stealing of FOR's Bogotá office computers containing sensitive files on our work with members of Colombian peace communities may have been a direct result of this state-sanctioned surveillance.

FOR is meeting this attack on civil rights by calling on U.S. and Colombian officials for a full investigation, sanctioning of officials responsible, and the erasure of intercepts. Join us in exposing this militaristic intervention. Click here to write to the State Department's chief for human rights concerns.

We also hope you will take this opportunity to show the Colombian and U.S. regimes that you support democracy, privacy, and self-determination by making a donation reaffirming your commitment to FOR. We need your help. Whatever your gift, it is a sign of your commitment to justice. We say again: we will not be silenced!

Peace,

Mark C. Johnson
Executive Director
Fellowship of Reconciliation

PS: Important news for those 70 years of age or older. Congress passed the IRA Charitable rollover which allows you to make a gift from your IRA without penalty or tax liability. For more information, contact bwinston@forusa.org or jmiller@forusa.org.

MEDELLIN: Youth Promoting alternatives to a history of violence

Continuous Past
The city of Medellin, which at one point identified as the murder capital of the world has a population of 2,300 (not counting the displaced people). It has a total of 16 districts (known as Comunas) that divide 250 barrios in the outskirts of the city. Medellin was and became infamous for being the epicenter of drug trafficking and for being the home of powerful dealers such as Pablo Escobar and more recently for hosting the Office of Envigado (group of drug cartels that have strong territorial power). Such a history has carried out and extended itself to Medellin's present, creating a dynamic of complex social issues. It is worth mentioning that the current president of Colombia, Alvaro Uribe is from Medellin and that his popularity rate had a first peak when he was governor of Antioquia (1995-97) when he promoted the CONVIVIR (groups of armed civil society members, mostly peasants in Antioquia).

Uribe was new in the Casa de Nariño (Presidential Palace) in 2002 when between October 16-18 a military operation executed by the IV Brigade commanded by General Montoya entered into the Comuna 13 (General Montoya recently quit his post as head of the Military of Colombia due to the scandals surrounding the Colombian Military for the extra-judicial killings). This operation is identified as Operation Orion and its military objective was to regain control of a territory that was disputed by the left-wing guerrillas FARC, ELN, the right-wing AUC, and the State. What was not equated (or rather, in spite of) the military objective did not discriminate between the thousands of civilians that stood in the middle of a battleground. It is now remembered as one of the most tragic incidents an urban setting has experienced where authorities placed civil society in the middle of a military operation that manifested itself as a literal warzone. Three days of bombs, shootings, and fear resulted in almost a dozen dead, including a child, 38 injured, 8-11 persons disappeared, 358 detained, and a posterior displacement of hundreds. Six years later, there has not been a single person held responsible for such actions and the death of the innocent residents of the Comuna 13.

Medellin is also a city where thousands of displaced people have accumulated over the years (starting 1985) attempting to find a haven from the violence experienced in their homes located in the rural sectors surrounding the Valley of Aburra and extending as far north to the states of Choco, Northern Antioquia, and Cordoba. The history of drug cartels, the expanded urban violence in the context of a continuing armed-conflict, and the social conditions particular to city-life makes Medellin a setting full of contrasts and extremes. Medellin struggles to hold on to a façade of a modern city of high fashion and beauty queens alongside the developing touristy attractions while the fermentation of a history of violence with barrels of poverty does not cease to exist. This year alone, the media has documented the increasing number of homicides (including a member of the women’s organization Ruta Pacifica and the continuing threats to social organizations (including the RED-Juvenil).

The reality is that Medellin is full of contrasts that offer the opportunity for viewers, residents, visitors, and authorities to “see what they want to see”. The infrastructure developments and the conditions in the barrios that simultaneously exist with the increasing militarization of the society allows the government to “prove” that the city is a safer place while the displaced people continue to grow in numbers. Nonetheless, Medellin is still growing with the number of displaced people who continue to expand the horizons of the Barrios along the slope of the mountains that surround a chaotic city that somehow still manages to breed hope even in its most remote corners.

Youth and Nonviolence
Our partner organization, The Youth Network of Medellin (RED-Juvenil de Medellin) is composed of young people that seek to transform the social conditions that promote violence, discrimination, and militarization of its society.
“Medellin is a chaotic city and we see homelessness, hunger, violence, paramilitaries, criminals and youth all mixed up in one setting. We have to struggle on a daily basis to move away from perpetrating the mechanisms that promote this kind of society,” says a member of the RED-Juvenil.

Many members of the RED-Juvenil come from the Barrios and/or currently have family members who are still suffering from the violence and negligence that dominates those sectors. The conditions seen and experience by residents in some of Medellin’s notorious barrios are high levels of violence, drug consumption and distribution, and the degrading housing conditions, encapsulated with an overall poverty and absence of state authorities. Additionally, the residents of these areas are marginalized and excluded from receiving attention and public services for this population rendered as invisible more than ignored. This combination of realities results in illegal armed groups having the authority to control sectors of the population and demand from the residents compliance, obedience, and support for their illegal activities, including forced recruitment into their groups and pave the way for another generation born into violence.

Over the past decade the RED-Juvenil has focused on developing different outreach strategies to be able to create, promote, and sustain alternative spaces for young people to find and cultivate new visions and activities to their existing social conditions. Through active participation, public events, workshops, alternative grassroots organizing classes, and informative publications, the RED seeks to incorporate youth from across the city, including residents of the various Barrios.

Opening spaces in the Barrios
This past Saturday the RED-Juvenil organized an event in Barrio Pedegral in the district known as Castilla as part of the activities that the RED-Juvenil organized for the Human Rights Weeks in Medellin (held from December 1st-12).

The RED is seeking to support the use of space for social organizing and to work with local youth to collaborate with joint activities as they strengthen a kind of solidarity that will effectively bridge steps towards a movement that is more inclusive, both socially and geographically, of the marginalized population.

“There are some organized groups that reside in this Barrio that focus their work on art projects and cultural activities. We want to support them and offer them the opportunity to also explore alternative views to our society that promote non-violence and conscientious objection,” explained Aleja from the RED-Juvenil.

The youth in this Barrio expressed their need to have more options on their day to day and to become exposed to other projects and activities. “I want to do other things but it is not easy here because we have a lot of violence and some groups here threaten you if you do not want to join them,” says a local youth.

As part of their non-violence commitment the RED wants to expose youth in these Barrios with options that can contrast what seems to be their only options in their violent surroundings. Saturday’s event was their first big activity that the RED-Juvenil organizes in the Barrio Pedregal with the participation and support of the local youth.

The event had a combination of dance presentations, various bands with different genres (hip-hop, reggae, punk-rock, alternative, and chirimia). There were about 150 participants and many passersbyers stopped throughout the day to observe and enjoy the live music.

The RED-Juvenil also had a silk-screen workshop and gave out free samples to the youth with different designs and images that promoted conscientious objection and non-violence.

“We first had to come and check-out the scene because we are putting ourselves at risk by just showing up in a Barrio where we do not normally have activities or presence. But we had the support of the local youth and that is why we decided to move forward with the event,” says a member of the Red-Juvenil.

The Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR) was invited to come and observe this event witness firsthand the first public event in the Barrio. The presence of an international organization that works with Human Rights is important to members of the RED because they feel that there is a kind of political protection rendered. “It is important to highlight that without the presence of Internationals, we feel that we are more vulnerable to threats and actions against our work,” says a member of the RED-Juvenil. FOR seeks to visibilize and recognize those approaches that work to make less invisible the situation in the Barrios and that promote peaceful alternatives to resist violence and crime.

The RED-Juvenil has been working and continues to work in a context that has a limited space for youth whose goals are to step away from the militarize society and violence in their surroundings. What is important to recognize is that they want to work with other youth and together change the conditions that will affect the next generation of Colombians.

TAKE ACTION! PEACE COMMUNITY OF SAN JOSE NEEDS YOUR SUPPORT

THREATS TO THE PEACE COMMUNITY OF SAN JOSE DE APARTADO CONTINUE. PLEASE TAKE ACTION!!

Paramilitary forces are making increasingly violent threats against members of the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó and other peasant families in the area, with no apparent action by the Colombian government. Immediate action is needed by US Ambassador William Brownfield to leverage Washington's enormous influence and prevent further violence against the community and area's civilian population.

On the morning of November 7, in the Playa Larga vereda (settlement) of San José, some 50 rifle-wielding paramilitaries in camouflage gear and identifying armbands detained resident Jairo Berrio Arango, according to a community statement. He was forced to undress as the gunmen held a rifle to his head and threatened to kill him on the spot. When his father arrived on the scene and pleaded with them, they said they wouldn't kill him now-but that they had six San José community members targeted for death, and that they should flee immediately to avoid being killed. They said the army was cooperating with them. On November 7, five families fled the vereda of La Esperanza, where Berrio Arango's family is from, and local sources reported to FOR that between nine and 30 families had displaced from La Esperanza and Playa Larga as of November 10.

On November 1, the Peace Community's legal representative, Jesús Emilio Tuberquia, was threatened at gunpoint at an Internet café in the town of Apartadó, the local municipal seat,the community reported. Two known paramilitaries surrounded him at the café, while one held a pistol to his head and said, "I'm going to kill you." He pushed the man's arm away, fled into the café and was able to flee unharmed, though the gunmen grabbed his bag, which had fallen in the scuffle.

Background: Paramilitary Resurgence in Northwestern Colombia

Young men fanned out through the towns along what is known as the "banana axis" of Urabá on the evening of October 14, telling local businesses to shut down the following day. The men distributed leaflets announcing the continuation of the "anti-subversive struggle" in light of "the guerrillas' advance" and what the group described the government's non-fulfillment of promises made in the paramilitary demobilization. Spray-painted graffiti with the initials of the group- AGC, Gaitanista Self-Defense Forces of Colombia were seen on various shops and city walls. The action shut down public transport, retail businesses and banana plantations throughout the region. Many students didn't go to school, and some humanitarian groups suspended visits to communities.

Armed forces chief General Freddy Padilla dismissed concerns about the strike, saying curiously that it was not a paramilitary rearmament, but an act of terrorism, implying that paramilitaries do not practice terrorism. Seventeenth Brigade commander General Héctor Peña Porras claimed there was no armed strike, because no one was armed, but reliable sources informed FOR that armed men were present in neighborhoods between Apartadó and San José.

President Alvaro Uribe, with support from the United States, insists that paramilitaries no longer exist in Colombia. But for the San José Peace Community, the paramilitary action was simply the announcement of an already-existing reality. The Peace Community has for months been reporting the presence of increasingly large groups of armed men in the area, who apparently belong to non-demobilized groups. On October 30, paramilitaries threatened to kill six members of the Community and to commit another massacre in the area if members of the community did not leave the area. The Community declared that on 29 September "more than 100 paramilitaries arrived in the area of La Unión armed with assault weapons, bearing AUC armbands and presented themselves as Self-Defense Forces" and proceeded to threaten Peace Community members, saying that they had over "200 paramilitaries were present in the Playa Larga area, 20 minutes from la Esperanza, detaining two farmers (…) and accusing them of being guerrillas." On 14 and 15 August, 60 presumed paramilitaries, originating from the Nueva Antioquia area, dressed in camouflage combat gear and carrying assault weapons, were present in the areas of Playa Larga and la Esperanza. The Peace Community reports that in La Esperanza these armed men arrived at houses of Peace Community members and threatened them if they refused to collaborate in ridding the area of guerrillas. One source reports that paramilitaries in the area are also using armbands with FCU, for the Urabá Central Front.

On August 31, fighting took place between the insurgency and presumed paramilitaries in Playa Larga, close to the settlement of La Esperanza . Several reports indicate the existence of a paramilitary base in Nueva Antioquia where the army and police exercise strict control of all those entering the settlement and whilst inside Nueva Antioquia, "The paramilitaries (…) control the food, charge taxes on the products the small farmers bring there to sell, all this in full public view of the army and police."

How does this state of affairs occur in such an extremely militarized area? What allows the alleged paramilitary base in Nueva Antioquia to exist in close proximity to Army and police checkpoints?

Please write to United States Ambassador William Brownfield, and request that he urge the Colombian government to:

1. Recognize and denounce the problem of paramilitary remobilization throughout Urabá.
2. Suspend all military and police officers who reportedly have turned a blind eye to the paramilitary groups, their presence and threats; and
3. Aggressively pursue arrest and prosecution of all members of illegal armed groups operating in the region, and government officials who have facilitated their actions.

Take two minutes to send a lettter! Please click here now.

For further information: www.forcolombia.org and http://cdpsanjose.org

Youth Network of Medellin Marches for Human Rights

March & Carnival for Human Rights in Medellin

The month of October was dedicated to carry out the various activities as part of the Social Forum in Medellin. There were many workshops, activities, and presentations that focused on social issues particular to youth, public services, security and crime, social conditions for local residents, displaced people, and many other topics that merited the attention of social organizations and civil society. The Youth Network of Medellin (RED-Juvenil de Medellin) participated and put together some of the activities of the Forum. They specifically asked FOR to observe one of the most visible activities that took place in the city center: The March & Carnival for Human Rights.
On the 30th of October, everyone was gathered at around 9:00am ready to start the carnival. The crowd was colorful, excited, vibrant and loud voices of familiar faces, friends, relatives, and activists echoed with the city noise in the background. There were people of all ages with entire families gathered to march for all the rights they believe should be demanded publicly and loudly. I was highly impressed by all the energy and smiles that were shared and expressed by all the participants. I was also surprised to see the talented six-year-olds in costumes wearing the 6ft long leg sticks that gave the march the kind of colors and visuals you usually get in a circus. “Get the camera!” “Did you see his costume?” “What are the police saying?” “When are we going to start marching?” where some of the comments I heard while I searched for the Youth Network’s Security team to get information before the Carnival would being marching.

Waiting to Start
I noticed that there was a strong presence of policemen/women at the front of the crowd talking to the various organizers. They were debating the plan of action. The organizers wanted to proceed with the route they originally planned: pass through the Police’s Command Station and have a public presentation in front of their command station. The police wanted otherwise. The state security refused to accept the continuation of the march if it meant that the citizens would pass by their command station and wanted the organizers to offer an alternative route. The Police also added “if the march proceeds as planned and passes through the command station, we will have to call the riot police (ESMAD)”. This was a moment of tension. The organizers knew that if the ESMAD showed up, it would generate violence and that it would be a catalyst for chaos. A member of the Youth Network explained that “There have been many incidents in which the riot police uses strong violence against the participants and activists, inclusively last week students at the university were brutalized by them.”
After more long minutes of dialogue between the organizers and the police a consensus was reached: the Carnival would change its route and avoid passing through the police station. “We don’t want to be susceptible to acts of violence and we want to make sure that these kind of public actions don’t lose their focus so we will rather have a peaceful march and be flexible,” said one of the Youth Network’s members.

And they marched…
And around 10:00am the carnival began! The indigenous community that was participating gathered and initiated the march with an honoring ceremony and asked that everyone respect mother Earth and each other. Then the music began to play and there was no way this crowd could be ignored by the passersbyers. There were people with the megaphone speaking out against the social injustices they have to endure the threats made against human rights defenders, social organizers, and union workers. The threats, they said, “also come directly from the State and the authorities.” The children were at the front of the march with their costumes dancing while a live marching band followed. I was observing from the front of the crowd on the periphery were there was more presence of the police units. According to the Organized Community Network (ROC in Spanish) members, it is usually in the front of the march where more observation is needed in order to keep the crowd organized and to respond to emergencies. Being in the front also allowed the organizers to talk to the authorities in case of anybody tried preventing the carnival from continuing its course.

The Human Rights March was indeed a carnival. The crowd had three different kinds of live music playing, including the Youth Network’s Chrimia Band. There were an estimated 700-800 participants and many people dressed in costumes, with make-up and/or chanting a slogan. Some of the more visible costumes were a Caracol (Colombian mainstream media channel) news reporter with exaggerated breasts and a sign that read “Nothing wrong happens here”, a statue of liberty with the face of a skeleton and stickers with Exxon, McDonalds, and Coca Cola, and a soldier with a gun that would pass around intimidating people.
Themes that were highlighted during the march were: the disadvantages behind the privatization of public services, the mainstream media’s lack of interest in addressing social issues, womyn’s rights, displaced people’s conditions, the university student’s right to express themselves, indigenous peoples right to their land, and the right to have cultural celebrations in public spaces.
“We want to make sure that in Medellin, people are not stopped from expressing themselves because of the fear for their life. We want to make these public actions a kind of doorway so that people can celebrate their right to express themselves freely and collectively. That is why we are calling it a carnival, because we want to be loud, be excited, and still address those issues that we have to face everyday when our human rights are not respected. We don’t want to be afraid to express ourselves,” says a member of the Youth Arts Network who has been part of the organization for over six years.

Hot Sancocho for Everyone
During the entire four hours of the march the crowd did not cease to be loud and active. The participants who were performing dances and playing live music continued to do so until the end of the march, which was around 2:00pm. Luckily no major incidents happened although many people said they had identified policemen dressed as civilians. This is worrisome for most participants, as they expressed that undercover policemen take pictures of them and uses that information to intimidate and frame them for crimes. Some participants also mentioned cases in which the undercover policemen would provoke a fight or dispute as a strategy to end a march and/or activity and arrest people.
After those hours under the extremely hot day everyone was hungry and thirsty and with partially melted make-up on their faces. The carnival ended in front of a union worker’s organization where four huge (about 3 ½ ft tall) pots of boiling Sancocho (a kind of stew with traditional Colombian vegetables and meat) were waiting for everyone.

It was definitely a wonderful experience to see the non-violent initiatives that take place in a context where activist and those who challenge the status quo continue to be victims of threats and violence. The best part was witnessing how fear is transformed into a carnival and for organizations such as the Youth Network of Medellin to be able to dance and sing as they ask for their human rights to be respected.

Extraditions of Paramilitaries

Extradition: Shipping Out the Truth

Hebert Veloza (aka H.H.), one of the most infamous paramilitary leaders and a key witness in at least three massacres in the San José Peace Community, is currently waiting to be extradited to the United States. He is the next on the list of paramilitary leaders that will have to face charges – and probably serve sentences - in the United States for drug trafficking, production, and/or money laundering.

Nonetheless, with the extradition of these paramilitary leaders, their commitment to Colombian society is on hold, as they will leave unfinished business that was introduced through the Justice and Peace Law of 2005, the law regulating the paramilitaries’ demobilization. Their extradition interrupts the public declarations that these paramilitary leaders are required to fulfill through confessions of all the crimes and violations against humanity that they are responsible for and simultaneously serve prison sentences. In an interview with the daily El Espectador regarding the Justice and Peace Process and his much discussed extradition, H.H declared that he has only shared “50% of the truth” about the crimes that terrorized several regions in the country. When asked, “And the other 50% of the truth will leave for the United States?” his response was, “Well, as soon as I am extradited, yes.”

On May 14, the US Department of Justice and the Colombian government successfully completed the extradition of 14 top paramilitary chiefs, fifteen with “Salvatore Mancuso,” who was extradited weeks before them. It is important to understand who are these individuals: they are key players in the Colombian conflict. The men constitute almost the whole leadership of the AUC, which was the paramilitaries’ command structure, responsible for terrorizing an entire country, and actively promoted, organized and executed crimes against humanity on scales larger than that of any drug trafficking shipment made to the U.S.

While the notorious: Salvatore Mancuso, Diego Fernando Murillo, Rodrigo Tovar Pupo, Francisco Javier Zuluaga, Guillermo Pérez Alzate, Martín Peñaranda Osorio, Manuel Enrique Torregrosa, Henán Giraldo Serna, Edwin Mauricio Gómez, Diego Alberto Ruiz, Juan Carlos Sierra, Nodier Giraldo Giraldo, and Eduardo Enrique Vengoechea are being prosecuted in New York, Texas, Washington D.C., and Florida, there are victims waiting for justice and reparation throughout the Colombian countryside, particularly in the states of Antioquia, Valle del Cauca, Cesar, Arauca, Nariño, Córdoba and the entire region of Urabá.

Colombian Government and US Embassy
President Uribe said that a primary reason for approving the extradition of the 15 paramilitaries was that these leaders continued to commit crimes while in prison and that, in order to put an end to that, they lost the protection against extradition granted to them by the Justice and Peace Law. The same day the paramilitaries were extradited, President Uribe explained at a press conference that the decision to extradite the paramilitary chiefs was because “…Some of them continued to commit crimes after their incorporation to the Justice and Peace Law, others failed to adequately cooperate with the justice system and all of them failed to give reparations to the victims, since they have not returned the goods and wealth in their possession and/or have been stalling the reparation process.”

But we should ask, why didn’t the paramilitaries lose ALL the benefits granted to them by Law 975 of 2005 (i.e. maximum eight years in prison)? Why did they only lose their immunity against extradition to the United States? Instead of controlling the continuous illegal activities of these paramilitary leaders and punishing them for violating the agreements made through the negotiation process, why does the Colombian government agree to extradite them and leave as “unfinished business” the judicial process in their own country?

According to a high-ranking official in the Human Rights Unit of the Attorney General’s Office who met with the FOR delegation in August, these paramilitaries were not collaborating with the unit’s prosecutors. The commanders “refused to speak to the prosecutors from the Human Rights Unit, and we would continuously get excuses such as: X paramilitary is sleeping, Y is busy, and Z is currently and temporarily not available.

“They did not want to share information with our unit because they were not receiving any benefits, and it was not in their interest to speak the truth about the atrocities because with us, they would have to serve sentences that exceed the eight years that they are given through the Justice and Peace Law. The only prosecutors they were interested in talking to were from the Justice and Peace Unit, because they had an obligation to do so if they wanted to ‘prove’ that they were telling the truth for the victims,” explained the official.

Telling the truth was a condition for their benefits. But they understood that they would obtain no gains by taking part in the investigations carried out by the Attorney General’s Human Rights Unit, since this is an entirely separate process criminalizing them. Under the Justice and Peace Law, they are not required to cooperate with prosecutors other than the Justice and Peace prosecutors established by Law 975 as a result of negotiations between paramilitaries and the State. If the paramilitaries were only speaking with prosecutors from the Justice an Peace Unit because they wanted to receive the benefits, and thus were only confessing the bare minimum of information regarding the crimes and atrocities for which they are responsible, it is obvious that the Colombian system has not served the victims who are still waiting to hear the complete truth about what happened to their loved ones.

If Colombian human rights groups and activists – and the president himself - believe that the Justice and Peace Law has been a failure thus far, why not allow for the time and necessary reforms to be implemented so that the victims feel that justice was served? Why extradite the paramilitaries to the United States, and completely ignore the fact that Colombian society is still waiting for justice, instead of extraditing the paramilitaries after they pay their dues to society?

U.S. Ambassador to Colombia, William Brownfield, specified in a press conference on the same day the paramilitaries were extradited that these men were facing charges for possession of illicit drugs and drug trafficking, money laundering and related offenses and material support of terrorism (not for directing and promoting terrorism). He added, “Of course, the legal system in the U.S. cannot give Colombian prosecutors more access to those 14 or 15 men than they would have in Colombia. Those men will have their defense attorneys in the U.S. and their own legal rights in the U.S., but our commitment is to facilitate access to the extradited men.”

“The prosecutors in the Justice Department will share their evidence and information with Colombia’s prosecutors,” the ambassador said, “allowing them the opportunity to examine, analyze, and decide on how they wish to proceed in accordance with the Justice and Peace Law.” Brownfield added, “That being said, what we cannot do, of course, is change the free will and the attitude of these fourteen or fifteen persons who have been extradited… They have rights, such as the right to access to the evidence against them, the right to respond to the accusations against them, the right to respond, or not respond, to questions and the right to allow, or not allow access to them.” This access really translates to arranging virtual hearings through the use of technology. Nonetheless, the only hearing that any of the chiefs requested involved Mancuso, but it has been cancelled three consecutive times in recent weeks. According to the State Department, the petition from the Supreme Court in Colombia requesting the virtual hearing was not given with enough notice to properly arrange for it, and from Colombia, the Interior Ministry announced that it was cancelled because they don’t have the funds to allocate to the virtual hearing.

However, it is clear that the information that the 15 extradited paramilitaries will share in the U.S. courts will consist mostly of drug trafficking activity, because they are not obligated to talk about their penal cases in the Colombian justice system. Moreover, the Fifth Amendment protects their right to remain silent in order not to self-incriminate. These paramilitary leaders have to right to “voluntarily” share information and continue collaborating with the Colombian justice system, but why would they willingly tell a US judge that they are responsible for murders in Colombia and have this information influence the verdict in the U.S? Already, the paramilitaries’ attorneys have rejected some requests from Colombia to interview the commanders.

An option for the current situation might be something the Spanish Judge Baltazar Garzon mentioned during his visit to the Urabá region in late August. Garzon was witnessing the exhumation of a mass grave along with the Attorney General of the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno. “There have been cases,” he said, “in which the U.S. returned extradited criminals to Spain so that they finish their respective sentences.” This could be applied to Colombian paramilitaries who could be temporarily returned to Colombia to finish what was left as “in process” under the Justice and Peace process.

If governments with such global influence as the United States fail to postpone the extradition of these criminals until Colombia prosecutes its own criminals for crimes against its own citizens, what kind of standards are we setting for international justice? How many pounds of cocaine that have entered the United States equal the number of persons disappeared in Colombia?

These two issues are not separate as the paramilitaries used their drug trafficking money to fund their illegal organization. We cannot continue to perpetrate imperialistic ideologies that prioritize the U.S. legal agenda by accepting that these paramilitary chiefs serve sentences in the United States for drug trafficking before they finish their judicial cases in Colombia and are prosecuted for their crimes against society. They should be prosecuted for their drug trafficking activity, but who says that this has priority over massive human rights violations? Why was their extradition imperative? The crimes and violations they committed require a long reparation process in Colombia. Drug trafficking is also a crime in Colombia, which has a court and judges that should be capable of prosecuting them in their own territory. It is now clear who calls the shots in the political sphere between Colombia and the United States and who is left behind the scenes rendered as invisible elements, powerless and as redundant victims of an unjust society.

Concerns and Human Rights Organizations
International and Colombian human rights organizations are concerned about the lack of guarantees for continuing a “real” process that will grant the victims the truth that is long overdue. They fear that now that the paramilitaries have been shipped to the United States, there will be no justice for them in Colombia—or elsewhere. They believe that the crimes committed against their loved ones will no longer have a place on the president’s agenda.

According to Jesuit priest and human rights defender, Father Javier Giraldo, the extradition was a way for the Colombian government to do damage control, since some of the paramilitaries were incriminating high-ranking officials in government and military positions (such as the case of the Peace Community of San José de Apartadó) and because of the para-political scandals that were getting too close to Uribe’s highly protected nucleus.

If criminals were able to negotiate a peace process with the Colombian government that results in a guarantee that, despite the hundreds of atrocities and human rights violations, they will only serve eight years in prison; if after such negotiations these criminals still continued to coordinate and authorize violations from their prison cells, and if they are given the privilege to confess whatever they think is “sufficient” and all this is called ‘justice and peace,’ my question then is: What kind of peace and justice are the victims obtaining?

Under US law, the extradited paramilitaries are not obliged in any way to testify or to serve a sentence for any crimes committed, besides those being prosecuted by the United States. How would people in the United States respond if it were the other way around? What if U.S citizens responsible for massive human rights violations, for killing and disappearing innocent people, for failing to respect a peace process, were extradited elsewhere (you pick a place) before completing their trial and sentence and justice was served for the victims? Would this be considered justice and reparation for the U.S. public and society?

At the Berkeley School of Law, a group of law students under the leadership of Roxanna Altholz is advocating on behalf of Colombian victims of paramilitaries in the US justice system. “The United States should not conduct these prosecutions for drug trafficking at the expense of the investigations for murder,” says Altholz. Her group wants to ensure that the murder prosecutions against the paramilitary leaders are not paralyzed as a result of the drug trafficking charges in the United States.

It is our responsibility as US citizens to question the actions of the State Department and the policies, petitions, and negotiations, and interferences made in countries such as Colombia. Extraditing a large group of key leaders in a group that terrorized and committed massive human rights violations before they can serve and actively participate and finish a peace process and offer real options for a reparation process on behalf of their victims should not be reduced to being an extradition of drug dealers and traffickers. These criminals are now in US territory, but should they really be there, instead of confessing their crimes in their homeland?

Member of Women's Pacifist organization Murdered in Medellin

FOR stands in solidarity with the LA RUTA PACIFICA DE LAS MUJERES (Pacifist Road of Women). We recognize the great significance behind the assassination of leaders who promote non-violence and reject the deaths, threats, and intimidation tactics that are heavly rooted in the continous Colombian internal conflict. Please see below for information on the assasination of a member of the Ruta Pacifica along with her loved ones.


Translated version from IFOR-WPP:

The social movement of feminist-pacifist women demands respect for the life and the dignity of women

La Ruta Pacifica de Las Mujeres- or the Pacific Road of Women- rejects the murder of one of their members in Medellin.

It was a paradox. While La Ruta Pacifica was launching the book ‘violences against women in a society in war’ in Medellín, one of its members- Olga Marina Vergara- was murdered, together with her son, daughter-in-law and grandson- a child of five years old.

Bogotá, 25 of September 2008. - In circumstances that proof the ignominy of violence and the degradation of society, Olga Marina Vergara, member of the Pacific Routeof the Women was assassinated in Medellín. This feminist and pacifist leader known for her work with women in the ancient capital was murdered together with her son, daughter-in-law and grandson in her own house in the section of Prado - East Center, Wednesday 24 of September.

‘These deaths and this massacre are inadmissible. The Pacific Route of the Women, a political feminist project working for the visibilization of the effects of the war on the lives of women, rejects categorically these events, which demonstrate once again the degradation of the war and society. The conditions and circumstances, in which they happened, are of extreme gravity. It is therefore that we insist towards the authorities that they investigate and determine the motives for what happened’, indicated Marina Gallego Zapata, National Coordinator of the Pacific Route of the Women.

Also, the Coordinator of the movement emphasized that the Pacific Route of the Women continues and persists in their struggle so that the subject of violence against the women does not just appear in public agendas as circumstantial news. ‘Our interest is to establish an ethical and political commitment to finish with impunity and the social allowance towards violence that is committed against women, the more in the situation of conflict that our country is facing’.

To reject the murder of Olga Marina Vergara and three of her family members, social feminist organizations of the country (part of the Pacific Route) unite. These organizations work together for a negotiated transmission of the armed conflict in Colombia and for the visibilization of the effects of the war on the lives of women.

These same organizations express their solidarity and support to the family of Olga Marina Vargara.

Spanish Version:
LA RUTA PACIFICA DE LAS MUJERES RECHAZA EL ASESINATO DE UNA DE SUS INTEGRANTES EN MEDELLIN

Paradójicamente, mientras La Ruta presentaba en Bogotá el libro 'Las violencias contra las mujeres en una sociedad en guerra', en Medellín una de sus integrantes fue masacrada junto a su hijo, nuera y nieto, un menor de cinco años de edad.

Bogotá, 25 de Septiembre de 2008. – En circunstancias que evidencian la ignominia de la violencia y la degradación de la sociedad, fue asesinada en Medellín la integrante de la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres, Olga Marina Vergara.

Esta líder feminista y pacifista, de amplia trayectoria en la capital antioqueña por su trabajo en favor de las mujeres, fue masacrada junto con su hijo, nuera y nieto en su propia casa en el sector de Prado – Centro este miércoles 24 de septiembre.

'Estas muertes y esta masacre son inadmisibles. Es así como la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres, propuesta política feminista que trabaja por la visibilización de los efectos de la guerra en la vida de las mujeres, rechaza categóricamente estos hechos, que demuestran una vez más la degradación de la guerra y de la sociedad, pues las condiciones y las circunstancias en las que ocurrieron, son de suma gravedad. Es asícomo instamos a las autoridades a investigar y determinar los móviles de lo sucedido', señaló Marina Gallego Zapata, coordinadora Nacional de la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres.

Asimismo, la Coordinadora del movimiento enfatizó que la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres continúa y persiste en la búsqueda para que el tema de las violencias contra las mujeres no se quede en agendas públicas de turno y como noticias circunstanciales. 'Nuestro interés es establecer un compromiso ético y político para terminar con la impunidad y la permisividad social acerca de las violencias que se ejerce contra las mujeres y más en la situación de conflicto que enfrenta nuestro país'.

A este rechazo por el asesinato de Olga Marina Vergara y tres miembros de su familia se unen las organizaciones sociales feministas del país que convergen en la Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres, las cuales trabajan conjuntamente por la tramitación negociada del conflicto armado en Colombia y por la visibilización de los efectos de la guerra en la vida de las mujeres.

Estas mismas organizaciones expresan su solidaridad y acompañamiento a la familia de Olga Marina Vergara.

Por un hogar, un país, un planeta libre de miedos, guerras y violencias

RUTA PACIFICA DE LAS MUJERES - *ANTIOQUIA - (4)2844079. *BOGOTA – (1)2229172/76 *BOLIVAR - (5)6663992 * CAUCA - (2)8317939. *CHOCO - (4)6713804. *PUTUMAYO - (8)4274058. *RISARALDA - (6)3332042. *SANTANDER - (7)6477559. *VALLE DEL CAUCA - (2)8854656. *COORDINACION EJECUTIVA NACIONAL – (1) 2229145 / 46 Fax: (1) 2229170

Pagina web: www.rutapacifica.org.co / E-mail: comunicaciones@rutapacifica.org.co

Where is justice? Hundreds of Displaced People March in Medellin

At 10am on Friday, July 18, a crowd of about 300 people composed of mothers, children, grandparents, uncles, and human rights defenders gathered to create a space in the streets and march with a unified voice. The individuals gathered because they wanted to voice out their dissatisfaction with the government and its existing policies that have consistently failed to provide for the almost 4 million displaced people in the country.

The crowd stood in one of Medellin’s street corners, listening to a representative of the Coordinación Metropolitana de Desplazados (Metropolitan Coordination for the Displaced) speak about the failure of law of 397 of 1997. This law was approved eleven years ago and stipulates in Article 3 that “the Colombian State has the responsibility to formulate and adopt policies and measures to prevent forced displacement and the responsibility to protect and provide a socio-economic consolidation and stabilization to those who have bee internally displaced due to violence“ (http://www.secretariasenado.gov.co/leyes/L0387_97.HTM). But, all those individuals present were there because they have seen very little evidence of the application of such law given that since its approval, the number of displaced people in Colombia has been on the rise.

The many faces, most of them with empty stomachs, started walking towards the city center and made their way across the crowed street on their way to the Plaza Botero. They chanted the words “Forced Displacement is a State Policy! “ The participants wanted to remind the Colombian State that they continue to be walking proof of the existing crisis in the country. Some of them live in the city of Medellin (which is supposed to be one of the main cities that have gone through great improvements since Uribe took office as president, in isolation from any of their basic rights. In actuality, Medellin is still a home to many victims of abuse and violence, including the control of the Paramilitary in the different sectors of the mountainous city. There are numerous slums on the outskirts of the city, the so-called Comunas, where people live in degrading conditions, with rooftops made up of scraps of aluminum, or broken pieces of wood. Hunger, thus, is the common denominator, plainly evident when you ride the metro cable cart and look down to the houses and wonder what happens inside those colorful squares on rainy days, or even worse what happens there day to day? Most of the displaced people have been forced to find shelters in cities such as Medellin and Bogota, and since most of them have roots as peasants in rural settings they lack the skills necessary to live in urban environments, where little opportunity exists for them in the job market.

At about noon, hundreds more joined the march, many who originated from the rural areas all across state of Antioquia. They came to march and remind the observers and the State that they are still displaced and hungry, and above all, disappointed with the lack of support and options for them to change their status and improve their quality of life. They are disappointed with the lack of judicial mechanisms have not succeeded in ensuring that their rights are not being violated and the lack of policies that in practical terms can guarantee adequate forms of reparation, reconciliation, and collective healing for the displaced.

It has been three years since the Justice and Peace Law of 2005 was passed and applied as a form of judicial way out for paramilitary demobilization. In the meantime those displaced because of the violence have been waiting for the victimizers to return the property and material goods--all that was lost through threats and violence.. Nonetheless, no real or effective form of reparation has been implemented . The victims of the violence that forced them to displace know that their relatives that were killed and buried in mass graves cannot be returned to them and that no form of reparation can bring back their dead; however, they at least expect to once again be able to live in their homes and receive guarantees to their life and safety. As of now, a shift in their current status seems like a distance possibility.

According to the Justice and Peace Division of the Attorney General’s office, only 793 millions of Colombian pesos have been turned in by the paramilitaries out of the almost 545,000 millions they committed themselves to return (http://www.terra.com.co/actualidad/articulo/html/acu13532.htm). Moreover, it seems quite ridiculous to even mention that they have only returned 10 vehicles, 5,166 livestock, and 99 houses that have been given to the State when we compare it to the almost 4 million hectares of land lost by the displaced population (without even mentioning the value of goods, property, and the family heritage, which is priceless). According to a study done by researches in the Andes University in Bogota, 94.% of the Colombian population lives under the poverty line and almost 75% of them are displaced (https://egresados.uniandes.edu.co/volver3/documentos/presentacion-ana-maria-ib.ppt).
As I stood there, a man about 50 years old man asked “Are you also displaced?“ He explained that he came from Argelia (in Antioquia) and that he and his family of three have been displaced for six years. They lost all their land, their livestock, and their crops. Now, they live in the outskirts of Medellin in conditions he described as “a cardboard box full of holes“.

The Asociasion Campesina de Antioquia (Peasant Association of Antioquia) invited FOR to observe the march as they find it important that the international community not ignore the internal crisis that defines the Colombian State. They want to make sure that the displaced people do not become more invisible than what they already are, given the current news of the government defeating the FARC and the release of the hostages, as they get lost in middle of the parapolitical scandals and the propaganda for Uribe´s next reelection. Displaced people are also a kind of hostage--a hostage that is held prisoner by poverty, by the chains manifested through the dangers they face day to day, by the illnesses and hunger chained to their bodies, and by the existing conflict that prevents them from safely returning to their land. They are held hostages in a society that does not make room for them to live a life with access to decent housing, healthcare, education, and sustenance.

Alongside FOR, stood Peace Brigades International and other non-governmental organizations. Nonetheless, the media coverage was practically non-existent, which only exemplifies the fact that such news are not a matter of importance to mainstream communication.

Please visit the video put together by the Communications Area of the Peasant Association of Antioquia (ACA): http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pNmCO_v63KA

2008 Anti-Military Concert

Anti-Military Concert

The RED-Juvenil de Medellin (Youth Network), one of our partner organizations, has been working at the grassroots level through non-violence peace initiatives to resist military recruitment, defend human rights and promote active conscientious objection for the past seventeen years.

This May 17, the RED-Juvenil put together the 10th anniversary of the Anti-Military Annual Concert in Medellin, Antioquia. The concert is one of their biggest events of the year and it has gained much popularity over time. “The Anti-Military Concert is well known today,” says Kike, “because now we get calls and emails from lots of people who are anxious to know the date of the event”.

Particular Inconveniences
The concert was scheduled to start at noontime on Saturday and all the RED members were anxious to organize the stage in Parque Obrero, where the annual concert has taken place for the past nine years. With their red t-shirts stamped with the concert’s logo, the RED members headed down to the park anxious to unload the trucks with various instruments, equipment, and sound systems, and tarps. It was 11 in the morning and the adrenaline to start the much-anticipated teamwork was on the edge of their fingers. The RED had an hour to organize and set-up an entire stage, various tarps, and vending stands. They knew that they needed to work on fast-mode as time was running short. Nonetheless, there were other factors that delayed the initiation of the concert: there was another event taking place in the same park. By event, I mean the whole nine yards: tarps, stage, tables, an MC, lunch tables, cooks, and an audience. The park, essentially a public space, was double-booked and the RED was told that the other event would not end until around 2pm. What adds a dash of irony to the scenario is that Corporacion Democracia (Democracy Corporation), an NGO that works directly with demobilized paramilitaries who wish to reincorporate into civil society, organized the event. The Corporation’s event was organized in honor the demobilized paramilitaries’ mothers who have been displaced. Could this be more surreal? Let us re-examine the scenario: The RED, a group of young activist that resist taking part in any way to the armed forms of resistance and are against the use of violence as a means to achieve social change has a Anti-Military Concert scheduled the same day as an organization that, according to a member of the RED, “has managed to legalize much of their politics with demobilized paramilitaries which sheds light into the existing marginalized power that is still seen in the city.” On the one hand we have the anti-thesis of the RED’s values, both hosting an event, both on opposite sides of a spectrum. Then again, when I really think about it, it seems that this is a perfect example of the kind of situations that arise here in Colombia, where one day you hear that the President’s cousin is in jail for ties with paramilitaries and another day you hear that the President reached a popularity rate as high as 85%.
Kevin and I were representing FOR with our sky blue tops that stood out in the crowd of black and red shirts. We formally introduced ourselves to the representatives of the Corporacion Democracia and specified that we were International Human Rights Observes that supports the non-violent form of resistance that are organized by the Red-Juvenil. We described our role in the country and highlighted that it was our responsibility to inform the International Community and the relevant government officials in Colombia when violations against our partner organizations take place. We added that we would be observing and documenting the event.

After a couple of hours of tension, passive aggressive talks, and a high doses of patience, the RED and the Democracy Corporation reached consensus: The Red would start setting up their stage at 2pm and the Corporation would clear the park. Not surprising, what actually ended up happening is that the RED had to wait about three hours for technicians to dismantle the Corporation’s main stage that was blocking the RED’s. In other words, there was one huge stage set up in front of the other until around 6pm when technicians finally arrived and the audience was finally able to gather in front of the live band.

Music: Shared through messages of non-violence
Music and art are a common strategy used by the RED to get their message of non-violence and conscientious objection across in a way that attracts youth and society. The RED sees that in putting together their annual concert, they are exercising proactive ways that are innovative and that effectively promote their views on social change and resistance. Art and music allow for the creation of spaces that are more inclusive than not, and such spaces tend to be attractive because they are bold and loud. “We are all here [at the concert] because we believe in our right to be able to live in a society that does not promote the use of weapons and violence to achieve change and that the military structures are not a solution to our social problems,” says the RED member over the microphone to an audience of about 5,000 people.

The music came from a diversity of bands that ranged from hip-hop, to reggae, to hard metal and ska. All the bands, however, sang about social change, conscientious objection and the need for society to evolve in the absence of militarism. “Having different music genres in one concert is innovative here in Medellin where there exists a historical division between Rastas, punkers, and hip-hoppers in terms of identity and territory. What the RED has created is a space where there is tolerance for different taste and styles that allows for a space to be inclusive as neither groups can claim boundaries or territories. In the end, the common ground here is our view that as youth we all reject violent forms of resistance that fall into militaristic approaches,” explains *Rudy from the RED.

The RED believes that this year they had the largest audience present than in any previous year. Throughout the night the two nurses under the first-aid tent were on alert while the RED’s protective team circulated the periphery and maneuvered their bodies between the crowd handling and mediating between individuals who were causing trouble; and as a whole, the RED demonstrated their multi-talents and multi-tasking skills as their MC’s went from being on stage to selling drinks behind a stand, while others switched between being mediators to jugglers, and some traded drumsticks for walkie-talkies. The music, the crowd, and the event did not stop until around until 2:30 am. Afterwards, as exhausted as they were, the RED collectively picked-up trash, filled the trucks with their equipment, and congratulated each other for their commitment and effort in putting together such an important event.

“I am so tired can’t feel my feet,” says *Rita from the RED with voice that is almost gone, “but we are proud that besides the fact that we had inconveniences and tensions in the beginning, we know that the Anti-Military Concert was once again a success”.

*Pseudonym

Continuan los Robo de Informacion a organizaciones sociales

LE ROBAN A AMOR: Una organización de Mujeres del Oriente Antioqueño

La Asociación de Mujeres del Oriente Antioqueño, mejor conocida como AMOR, es una organización que trabaja por mujeres de 23 municipios del Oriente Antioqueño. Nació hace catorce años en El Peñol y fue gradualmente creciendo en diferentes regiones del Oriente Antioqueño. Mujeres de diferentes experiencias trabajan para capacitar y acompañar en diferentes procesos que les permite asesorarse para defender sus derechos.

“El trabajo de amor esta orientado a fortalecer y propiciar las organizaciones de mujeres como actoras protagónicas del municipio y de la región mediante procesos de formación participación y articulación con otros\as actores\as,” explico una de sus representantes.
El mes pasado, AMOR con sede en el municipio de Marinilla, se unió a la lista de organizaciones que han sido victimas de hurto de información en Colombia. Los hechos ocurrieron el 23 de abril en horas de la noche. Según una representante de la organización, por la mañana del 24 encontró a su oficina en un desorden espantoso y con evidencia clara de que sus archivos y materiales habían sido manipulados y otros robados. “Todo estaba tirado en los escritorios y los gabinetes estaban abiertos,” dice la representante. Entre los objetos robados se encontraba un CPU con el disco duro y archivos de casos, y una cámara con fotos de casos que se manejan internamente.

La sede de AMOR se encuentra dentro de un edificio en un espacio que se comparte con otras instancias y organizaciones. La ubicación de la sede esta justamente en frente del comando de Policía. Sin embargo, todavía no hay testigos de los hechos, lo cual indica que los responsables del robo lo hacen con mucha agilidad.

Últimamente, los hurtos de información se han realizado a lo largo y ancho del país. Existen casos de organizaciones de un alto perfil como Alianza Iniciativa de Mujeres Colombianas por la Paz (IMP), Asamblea Permanente de la Sociedad Civil por la Paz (APSCP) , JustaPaz, Corporación Jurídica Yira Castro, y Coordinación Nacional de Desplazados (CND), y incluyendo a nosotros como FOR, quienes continuamos repudiando estos hechos y exigiendo una intervención del Estado para ponerle fin a este patrón de robos.

Es difícil cuantificar el valor que contiene los materiales robados y las consecuencias que esto pueda tener para la seguridad de las personas quienes ejercen su labor apoyando a las comunidades en sus diversos casos. Existe un alto riesgo de que la información sea manipulada lo cual pone en alarma a centenares de personas por su seguridad y integridad.
Los hurtos son una estrategia de quien? En donde se concentra el interés de obtener cierta información manejada por las organizaciones sociales? Porque los robos están estratégicamente concentrados en instancias que ejercen su labor dentro del tema de derechos humanos?

Por parte del Gobierno Nacional de Colombia no se ha evidenciado un respuesta contundente que se proponga reaccionar para solucionar y evitar la continuidad de estos hechos. Asta el momento no se han establecido garantías para que organizaciones sociales puedan ejercer su labor con el un respaldo político al nivel nacional. El 17 de octubre del año pasado el Presidente Álvaro Uribe le dijo a la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, “Aquí cada vez que las guerrillas y sus áulicos sienten que se les puede derrotar, el recurso al cual apelan es el recurso de violación de derechos humanos.” 1 ¿ Cuando se hará un pronunciamiento público rechazando estos los hurtos de información y agresiones en contra organizaciones sociales, eclesiales e internacionales?

Vale la pena preguntar porque es que la mayoría (por no ser absolutista) de las investigaciones sobre estos casos no avanzan? El próximo mes se cumple un año que varias organizaciones, incluyendo FOR, JustaPaz, Corporación Jurídica Yira Castro, APSCP, y la CND quienes en varias ocasiones presentaron sus caso ante Carlos Franco de la Oficina de Derechos Humanos de la Presidencia y colectivamente expresaron su preocupación por la seguridad de miles de personas y instituciones que trabajan con comunidades en riesgo. Adicionalmente, 36 congresistas de EU enviaron un carta expresando su preocupación por la vulnerabilidad de organizaciones sociales de ser el blanco de hurto de información. Sin embargo, el colectivo de victimas de robo de información siguen esperando algún resultado de las investigaciones aunque todo indica que lo mas probable es que estos casos queden en la impunidad y en las primeras etapas investigación dado que están demasiado lejos de su cierre.

Returning: The Constant Hope

Retorno: the materializing of the individual and/or community member’s—who were forced to displace due to violence, threats, mega-projects, massacres, fear, etc.—wish to return to the home and/or land. A retorno is what most displaced people aspire, wish for, and hope to experience in the near future. But for most of them a retorno is a highly unlikely possibility. Those who wish to return have to face a series of complex factors that conglomerate to build a great wall of bureaucracy in front of their greatest desire. Thus, their most desired wish transforms into a battle of perseverance and hope- not giving up and hoping that somehow they can manage to return “home”. In some cases, however, barriers that prevent individuals extend beyond bureaucratic battles. There are many families that fear for their safety and although they wish to return to their land, the high levels of violence that forced them to abandon their homes to begin with, still remain as vivid memories in their mind. What they fear is a de´javu: the repetition of death, violence, and threats; they fear reliving the trauma of leaving their home behind again. Not limited to this, other displaced families have discovered that they no longer have a home to return to. These families face the dilemma of having to prove that they are the legitimate owners of their land. Their land that is now repopulated and/or has become private property belonging to some foreign corporation that is probably in the hands of paramilitary groups. In most cases, these corporations seek to produce single-crop farming in rural areas and manage to “legally” take ownership of the land that was left behind by civilians who hoped to one day return.

Not surprising though, it is economic factors that greatly encumber families from returning to their land. These displaced families seldom have employment or social welfare assistance to maintain self-sustainable lifestyles and live with the bare minimum amount of goods. Most displaced persons who had to abruptly abandon their homes were forced to leave behind their material goods, crops, animals, clothes, furniture, tools, machinery, etc. The complex situation that most displaced families are forced to endure is made up of a combination of all of the above mentioned conditions that stand to hinder them from returning home; a home that is not far from them in geographical measurements, yet is fundamentally and practically unreachable.

Aside from strong will, tolerance, and a strong mind, planning for a retorno requires extensive commitment, effort, and resources which are apart from social and governmental entities that are willing to fund and support such process. How will household heads sustain their families, feed them from scratch? Who will assist them with purchasing seeds, tools, and machinery necessary for agricultural production? Who will guarantee that they will be able to have food while they are waiting for their harvest? How will government forces guarantee that these returning families will not be forced to displace again? As one displaced person put it, “even if we get support to plant our seeds and grow our crops, it takes weeks and months before we can eat those goods; in the meantime who will feed us and what if we are forced to leave again after working hard to reestablish ourselves?”

The Retorno to Mulatos
I remember my first conversation about a retorno when I first started volunteering with FOR and came to the Peace Community in March of last year. The idea of a retorno was one of the reoccurring themes discussed as part of the physical accompaniment that we would be taking part in. The retorno to the hamlet (vereda) of Mulatos was a subject that had great significance for the members of the Peace Community. It was in Mulatos where in 2005 a massacre took place and 8 people were assassinated:
(see: http://isla.igc.org/Features/Colombia/MassacreFeb2005.html). One of the victims was Luis Eduardo Guerra, a highly recognized leader in the community. This unfortunate event brought much fear to the civilian population and families were forced to displace, fearing that they too would end up killed by the paramilitaries. For the Peace Community, the massacre denoted that the civilian population continued to be a military target and that it was unsafe for families to continue working and living in the more isolated settlements of San Jose. The Community also knew that many families had crops and property that could not be left for armed factors to make use of in their terrorizing rendezvous, so they never gave up the hope of one day being able to return to Mulatos.

This year, the Attorney General called for the investigation of 69 soldiers for their collaboration in the 2005 massacre Additionally, the captain of the Velez Battalion, Gordillo, is currently in jail facing accusations for participating in the massacre. The 17th Brigade, which has jurisdiction in the Urabá region of both Antioquia and Chocó, has a vast history of violence and has been excluded from receiving Plan Colombia funding due to the human rights violations attributed to their soldiers and Generals in the past such as General Rito de Alejo.
(see: http://isla.igc.org/Features/Colombia/MassacreFeb2005.html) What is astonishing is that it has taken the Colombian authorities and investigators almost three years to take action and incarcerate those accused of collaborating or directly participating in the 2005 massacre. The community, however, asks, “And what about all the hundreds of other cases of human rights violations that have not even been looked at?”

Last year, the community started planning a retorno to Mulatos. Nonetheless, as part of the government’s rural development and social assistance projects local city officials started promoting a retorno of their own. Last year local newspaper Urabá Hoy published that “2,000 persons were returning to Mulatos and that the state would be funding this return”. The truth is that this was a false statement. During their retorno campaign, officials bused into San Jose trucks full of people that were not from the San Jose region, took pictures of the multitude and published them in the local newspaper stating that all those families were going to be returning to San Jose and Mulatos. Nonetheless, at the end of the day—after the pictures were taken—the bus left San Jose and the 2,000 displaced persons were not seen again. Given this, the Peace Community did not want to support the state’s phony retorno or be perceived as if it were participating in the propaganda and false initiative. Instead of moving on with their plans, the Peace Community decided that it would be more appropriate to put their plans on hold.

A place called “home”
This last month, on the 21st of February, the Peace Community decided that they were ready to return to Mulatos. Seven families from the Peace Community were ready to once again make a living in the rich land of Mulatos. The Community decided that along with the retorno, they would also be commemorating the 2005 Massacre and honoring the memory of those who have been killed in their struggle to live in a context that seeks an alternative to the conflict in the region. Along with FOR and Peace Brigades International as physical accompaniers, delegates from Witness for Peace, Red-Italiana (Italian Support Group for Colombia), Tamera-a peace community in Portugal-, a Spanish journalist and Colombian researchers came to witness and offer their support to the Peace Community.

The mules and horses were loaded with the dozens of backpacks, hammocks, gallons of waters, and sacks full of rice, beans, and panela for the retorno. Community members had been planning this for many months and they were all excited to finally be able to materialize their goal of returning to Mulatos. For some of the campesinos (peasants, rural farmers), it was the first time they had returned in many years since some families displaced from the area in the 90’s due to the increasing levels of paramilitary violence in Urabá. For some of the youngsters it was the first time they were going to the much talked about Mulatos. It was nine in the morning and after putting on sun block, hats and rubber boots we all started to make our way up the mountain. The trail along the mountain path was a diverse and colorful one with people of all ages, sizes, and physical capacity. As some struggled to climb the steep mountains others suffered from unquenchable thirst, but all shared the same feeling of solidarity with the campesinos that did not break a sweat as they gracefully skipped stones and avoided mud paths. It was clear that their physical capacity is worthy of admiration, and the fact that they have to walk long distances in order to purchase goods or sell their crops is worthy of great respect. One after another, we continued up the mountain, across the river, the humid jungle-like tunnels of weeds and wild plants, the muddy terrain, the slippery downhill and the never-ending steepness of the Urabá Mountains. After eight hours we finally made it to Mulatos Medio, to the exact location where the bodies of Luis Eduardo, Beyanira, and the child were found. There was a small chapel built there in their honor. As people passed the chapel, it was hard not to think about the cruelty and injustice that ends up manifested in dismembered bodies and sends a force of fear upon communities. And it is admiration that one feels when witnessing a community that does not give up or surrender to the fear that is constantly at their doorstep.
The words of a Peace Community Member in memory of the 2005 Massacre:

“On this day, we sadly commemorate the third anniversary of the massacre of our community leader Luis Eduardo Guerra, his son Deiner Andres Guerra Tuberquia, and Beyanira Areiza along with an entire family that always lived in unity: Alfonso Bolivar Tuberquia, Sandra Milena Muños Posso, a six year-old and 18month-old baby. This incident deeply affected our entire community, in particularly the loss of the three children: Deiner, Natalia, and Santiago. Three fully innocent children. What were they guilty of?…Nothing at all. They were just children, just like the very word child connotes: innocent. Deep sadness is what we all felt. Luis Eduardo was one of the founding members of the Peace Community. He resisted until the end, always maintaining neutrality, and defending our peace processes. He was a warrior, strong worker, honest, responsible, fair, and honorable. His death was a huge loss for our community because he was fully committed to our peace process. He was, always sure of himself and he gave his life to struggle for our community. He died with his head up high, proud that he was offering his life without betraying his community and being a great example for us to follow to continue to struggle for our community. I wrote this in honor of his memory. -Kelly Johana Asprilla Garzon, 12 year-old Peace Community Member

That night there was a spectacular lunar eclipse. It was almost symbolic for the occasion: the moonlight darkens for a moment, and in slow motion, it once again claims a space for its light as it gracefully illuminates the night sky. That night, the Peace Community members were living a moment of light after being forced to leave their land—they were finally returning to Mulatos. Although the fear for their safety is not something that could easily leave their mind, for a moment it seemed that the primary sentiment was that of joy with a dab of nostalgia.

La Resbalosa
The next day we walked for a couple of hours up another steep mountain to visit La Resbalosa. It was here that the other five people were killed in the massacre. The Peace Community had a ceremony to honor them, actively practicing the act of nourishing the memory of those victims of crimes against humanity. Preserving these stories is a way in which the Peace Community seeks to resist impunity from reigning in their consciousness.
In La Resbalosa there was a somewhat abandoned structure that had a scent of humidity and dust. This place was once upon a time a school. Today, it stands mostly empty, except for the graffiti on the walls and doors with anti-guerilla commentary and aggressive language. One of the messages reads: “Turn yourself in, Sonnovabitch guerilla¨ and “AUC is here”. The Peace Community hopes to once again open the doors to a classroom setting and find funding to educate those children who live in the most remote rural areas.


Going Back
After the second night in Mulatos it was decided that we were going back to San Josesito and La Union. It had rained the previous afternoon, and hammocks and floor mats were wet, people were hungry, dehydrated, constipated, or with cramps and diarrhea. In those settings, it is only campesinos that have the physical condition to adapt to conditions of limited resources in rural settings, while the foreigners have to face a series of uncomfortable symptoms. More so, the accompaniment was cut short because of last minute adjustments to the schedule. After breakfast the large crowd parted and we started the hike back on the same path that only a couple of nights before was dry and “easier” to walk on.

The same hills were waiting for us except that the previously down hills were now up hills and vice-versa. The forest green continued to mesmerize the naked eye and brown mud did not cease to tug at our boots each step of the way. I kept on trying to see if I recognized key points that would indicate how much farther we had to go…
After six hours and a shade of darker brown, we finally arrived back to San Josesito. Although my feet were swollen and I had blisters between my toes, it is hard to measure the growth that comes after experiencing the materializing of people’s hopes and aspirations, to be able to see ideas and visions come to life in a collective manner, and to understand one step closer the meaning of resistance, struggle, respect, and solidarity.